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Human Rights in the Market Place: Toward Ethical Global Trade

Human Rights in the Market Place: Toward Ethical Global Trade

In today’s interconnected global economy, international trade is the cornerstone of economic growth and development, driving innovation, reducing poverty, and fostering global interdependence. Yet, beneath its promises of prosperity lies a stark reality: the very mechanism that fuel global commerce can also undermine fundamental human rights. Forced labour in supply chains, environmental degradation, and inequities in digital trade have become pressing concerns, exposing the tension between economic progress and ethical responsibility.

International trade holds immense potential to promote human rights by creating jobs, improving access to healthcare and education, and fostering gender equality. However, when left unregulated or poorly governed, trade can exacerbate exploitation, widen inequalities, and erode human dignity. These dualities are particularly evident in the rise of artificial intelligence and automation, which, while revolutionising industries, have led to labour displacement, data privacy violations, and ethical concerns over algorithmic biases affecting marginalised communities.

This essay examines the complex interplay between human rights and international trade, arguing that while trade can be a powerful force for good, its practices must be grounded in ethical principles to ensure that economic gains are not achieved at the expense of human dignity. By addressing the human rights challenges posed by labour exploitation, environmental harm, access to essential medicines, and digital trade, this essay underscores the need for robust legal frameworks, corporate accountability, and global collaboration to foster an equitable and sustainable global marketplace.

The discussion unfolds in four parts. First it explores the positive impacts of international trade on human rights, highlighting its transformative potential. Second, it delves into the challenges posed by global trade, focusing on labour, environmental, and digital concerns. Finally, it offers actionable recommendations to ensure that international trade evolves into a vehicle for promoting, rather than compromising, human rights.

The positive Impacts of International Trade on Human Rights

International trade has long been a powerful engine for economic growth and social progress, with the potential to significantly enhance human rights across the globe. By opening markets, fostering innovation, and creating opportunities for employment and development, trade can serve as a catalyst for improving the quality of life and advancing the fundamental rights of individuals and communities. When managed responsibly, international trade supports the realisation of key human rights, including the right to work, education, and a decent standard of living.

However, the extent of these benefits depends on the policies and frameworks that govern trade. In this section, we explore the positive dimensions of international trade, focusing on how it contributes to economic development, improves labour standards through right-based agreements, and promotes gender equality. Through case studies and real-world examples, we demonstrate how trade, when aligned with human rights principles can drive transformative change and foster inclusive growth.

Economic Development and Poverty Reduction

International trade has emerged as a powerful engine for economic growth, offering countries the opportunity to expand their markets, create jobs, and significantly reduce poverty levels. By connecting domestic producers to global markets, trade enables economies to specialise in competitive industries, attracting investment, boosting productivity, and generating employment. These benefits, in turn, help lift millions out of poverty, particularly in developing countries. From job creation to improved access to affordable goods and services, the world has benefited countlessly from international trade throughout the years, turning rural areas into urban, industry rich areas.

One of the most direct ways trade has contributed to poverty reduction is through the creation of jobs and the resulting increase in income levels. When countries engage in international trade, they gain access to larger markets, allowing them to scale up production and specialise in industries where they hold a comparative advantage. This specialisation often leads to an increase in demand for labour, particularly in export-oriented industries such as manufacturing and agriculture.

In Vietnam, the liberalisation of trade under the ‘Doi Moi’ reforms, which translates to restoration reforms, in 1986 have brought immense changes, rescuing the country from collapse due to central planning and self-isolation after the unification of the country in 1975. By focusing on export-oriented growth, Vietnam expanded its manufacturing and agricultural sectors, creating employment opportunities for millions. For instance, the country’s textile industry became a major global supplier, employing a large segment of the population and raising income levels, especially in rural areas. As a result, Vietnam’s poverty rate plunged from nearly 70% in the early 1990s to under 6% by 2018.

Similarly, South Korea’s rapid economic transformation, driven by export-led industrialisation, highlights the link between trade and income growth. By leveraging its access to global markets, South Korea developed high-performing industries such as electronics and automobiles, which generated substantial employment opportunities. Workers in these sectors benefited from higher wages, better working conditions, and improved access to education and healthcare, further enhancing their quality of life.

These examples demonstrate how trade-driven employment not only provides individuals with the means to escape poverty but also fosters broader economic development by increasing consumer spending and stimulating local economies. However, for these benefits to be fully realised, supportive policies, such as investments in education and infrastructure, are essential to equip the workforce with the skills needed to thrive in competitive global markets.

Improved Labour Standards Through Trade Agreements

International trade agreements increasingly incorporate labour provisions that aim to improve working conditions, ensure fair wages, and protect fundamental labour rights such as freedom of association and the prohibition of forced or child labour. These rights-based clauses in trade agreements represent an important step in aligning economic growth with human dignity, making trade not just a vehicle for development but also a tool for social justice.

Labour provisions in trade agreements are particularly impactful because they create enforceable standards that require participating countries to adhere to internationally recognised labour norms. For instance, the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) has been lauded for its comprehensive labour chapter, which includes commitments to improve working conditions and eliminate work place discrimination. A key feature of the USMCA is its Rapid Response Mechanism, which allows parties to address labour violations in specific facilities, ensuring swift accountability for non-compliance.

The European Union (EU) has also led efforts to include labour rights in its trade agreements. The EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement, for example, obligates both parties to uphold International Labour Organisation (ILO) conventions, fostering improvements in workplace standards. While challenges in enforcement persist, such provisions signal the growing recognition of labour rights as integral to sustainable trade practices.

A prominent example of the positive impact of labour provisions is the case of Mexico under the USMCA, specifically under Chapter (23), which focuses on labour obligations. In response to commitments within this Chapter, Mexico undertook significant labour reforms, including measures to strengthen union rights and improve wage conditions. These changes not only benefited Mexican workers but also levelled the playing field for businesses operating within the trade union, reducing the incentive to exploit cheap labour.

While these advancements are promising, gaps remain in the implementation and enforcement of labour standards. Many developing countries face challenges in fully complying with labour provisions due to weak institutions and limited resources. To address these issues, trade agreements must include technical assistance and capacity-building measures to support compliance and ensure that labour standards translate into tangible improvements for workers on the ground.

Trade agreements that embed labour protections demonstrate the potential of international trade to uphold and promote human rights. By linking economic incentives to the respect of labour rights, these agreements help ensure that the benefits of trade extend beyond economic growth to include social equity and worker empowerment.

Advancement of Gender Equality

International trade has played a transformative role in advancing gender equality by providing women with greater access to employment opportunities, particularly in export-oriented industries. This economic empowerment allows women to gain financial independence, enhance their social standing, and contribute meaningfully to their families and communities. Through trade-driven job creation, women are increasingly participating in industries that were traditionally male-dominated, fostering progress toward gender parity.

In recent years, trade agreements have begun to explicitly address gender equality, acknowledging its importance as a fundamental human right and a driver of sustainable development. Some agreements now include provisions designed to promote women’s participation in trade and to eliminate gender-based barriers. For example, the Chile-Uruguay Free Tade Agreement is one of the first to feature a dedicated chapter on gender and trade, emphasising the inclusion of women in economic activities and providing support for female entrepreneurs.

A compelling example of trade’s impact on gender equality is the case of Bangladesh’s garment industry. The sector, which is heavily export-oriented, employs millions of women, making up approximately (80%) of its workforce. For many women in Bangladesh, these jobs provide their first opportunity for formal employment, granting them financial independence and social mobility. The income earned through garment factory jobs often supports entire families, enabling access to education and healthcare for future generations. However, challenges remain, including low wages and poor working conditions, which highlight the need for continued reforms to ensure that these opportunities translate into equitable outcomes.

By promoting economic opportunities for women, international trade has the potential to narrow gender disparities and uplift entire communities. To fully realise this potential, it is crucial that trade policies and agreements prioritise gender equality and ensure that women not only participate in but also benefit equitably from the global economy.

Human Rights Challenges in Global Trade

While international trade holds immense potential to advance human rights, it also poses significant challenges that can undermine these principles. The global marketplace, driven by the pursuit of efficiency and profit, often exposes vulnerable populations to exploitation and harm. From forced labour in supply chains to the displacement of indigenous communities and inequitable access to life-saving medicines, the darker side of global trade highlights the urgent need for stronger safeguards and ethical practices.

As trade increasingly shifts into the digital realm, new human rights issues are emerging, including data privacy violations and the widening digital divide. These challenges demonstrate that without robust legal frameworks and enforcement mechanisms, the benefits of trade can come at a great human cost. This section examines four critical human rights challenges associated with global trade. Through case studies and analysis, it underscores the human impact of these issues and the need for actionable solutions to ensure that trade supports, rather than undermines, fundamental rights.

Labour Exploitation

Labour exploitation remains one of the most pressing human rights challenges in global trade. As corporations and suppliers strive to reduce costs and maximise profits, workers at the lower tiers of supply chains often bear the brunt of this economic efficiency. Forced labour, child labour, and unsafe working conditions are persistent issues that violate workers’ dignity, safety, and fundamental rights, undermining the potential of trade to foster equitable and sustainable development.

Forced Labour affects millions worldwide, with vulnerable populations coerced into work under the threat of violence, debt bondage, or other forms of exploitation. Industries such as agriculture, fishing, and textiles are particularly notorious for using forced labour to meet the demands of global supply chains. Similarly, child labour remains prevalent in certain regions, depriving children of their right to education and exposing them to hazardous conditions that jeopardise their health and future.

A tragic example of labour exploitation in global trade is the (2013) Rana Plaza disaster in Bangladesh, which starkly revealed the unsafe conditions endured by workers in garment factories supplying international brands. The collapse of the Rana Plaza building killed over one-thousand workers and injured thousands more, highlighting the disregard for worker safety in pursuit of low production costs. The incident brought global attention to the human cost of fast fashion and prompted some reforms, such as the Bangladesh Accord on Fire and Building Safety. However, the systemic issues of low wages, excessive working hours, and lack of union representation persist in many supply chains, exacerbating worker vulnerability.

Labour exploitation not only violates individual rights but also undermines the broader goals of trade as a driver of development. Addressing these issues requires concerted efforts, including stricter enforcement of labour provisions in trade agreements, mandatory human rights due diligence for multinational corporations, and support for grassroots movements advocating for workers’ rights. Without these measures, the promise of trade as a force for good will remain unfulfilled for the millions of workers who continue to suffer in its shadows.

Environmental Degradation and Indigenous Rights

Environmental degradation is a pervasive challenge linked to global trade, with far-reaching consequences for ecosystems, livelihoods, and human rights. Trade-driven activities such as deforestation, mining, and large-scale agriculture often prioritise short-term economic gains over sustainable practices, leading to irreversible damage to natural habitats and the displacement of indigenous communities. These practices not only threaten biodiversity but also undermine the cultural identity, health, and livelihood of those who depend on the land.

Deforestation, in particular, is a stark example of how global trade can fuel environmental harm. The Amazon rainforest, often referred to as the “lungs of the planet”, has experienced extensive deforestation driven by the demand for commodities like soybeans, beef and timber. Multinational corporations and local producers seeking to meet the growing global appetite for these goods frequently encroach upon protected areas, disregarding the rights of indigenous populations. These communities, who have historically acted as stewards of the forest, face displacement, loss of traditional ways of life, and increased exposure to health risks due to environmental destruction.

The human rights implications of deforestation are profound. Indigenous communities lose access to the natural resources that sustain their livelihoods, undermining their right to food, water, and health. Displacement often leads to social marginalisation, depriving them of access to education, healthcare, and economic opportunities. Moreover, the destruction of their ancestral land erodes cultural heritage and violates the principle of free, prior, and informed consent enshrined in international human rights instruments such as the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP).

A notable case study is the ongoing deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon. Despite global awareness and international agreements aimed at protecting the rainforest, the demand for agricultural exports has continued to drive large-scale clearance of forest land. Indigenous groups such as the Yanomami and Kayapo peoples have been vocal in resisting these activities, yet they face significant challenges in holding corporations and governments accountable for violations of their rights.

Addressing the dual challenges of environmental degradation and indigenous rights requires robust, enforceable trade policies that incorporate environmental protections and respect for indigenous sovereignty. International trade agreements must include binding clauses on environmental sustainability, coupled with mechanisms to monitor and penalise non-compliance. Furthermore, empowering indigenous communities to participate in decision-making processes is critical to ensuring that trade practices align with human rights and environmental stewardship.

Digital Trade and Privacy

The rapid expansion of digital trade has transformed the global economy, creating new opportunities for innovation, efficiency, and growth. However, this shift into the digital realm has also introduced significant human rights challenges, particularly concerning data privacy, mass surveillance, and the widening digital divide. These issues highlight the urgent need to address the ethical and regulatory gaps in global trade practices to ensure that the digital economy supports, rather than undermines, fundamental human rights.

One of the primary concerns in digital trade is the handling of personal data. Cross-border data flows, which are essential in global e-commerce and digital services, often occur without adequate safeguards, leaving individuals vulnerable to privacy breaches and unauthorised surveillance. Trade agreements such as the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) has provisions that facilitate the free flow of data across borders. While this promotes economic efficiency, it often weakens the ability of countries to enforce stringent data protection laws, such as the European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). As a result, multinational corporations operating in jurisdictions with weaker privacy laws can exploit personal data, posing risks to individual autonomy and dignity.

In addition to privacy concerns, digital trade has exacerbated global inequalities through the digital divide. Many developing countries lack the infrastructure and resources to participate fully in the digital economy, leaving their populations at a disadvantage. This exclusion denies individuals in these regions access to opportunities for education, employment, and social participation that are increasingly tied to digital connectivity. The digital divide not only limits economic growth but also perpetuates existing inequalities, undermining the principle of non-discrimination central to human rights frameworks.

A prominent example of these challenges in digital trade is the reliance on cross-border data flows under the CPTPP. While the agreement promotes economic integration among its member states, it has been criticised for failing to include robust safeguards for data privacy and cybersecurity. This has raised concerns about the exploitation of personal data by corporations and the potential for government surveillance, particularly in authoritarian regimes.

To address the human rights implications for digital trade, international trade agreements must include enforceable provisions that prioritise data protection, cybersecurity, and equitable access to digital infrastructure. Policymakers should ensure that individuals’ rights to privacy and freedom from surveillance are protected in the digital economy. Additionally, bridging the digital divide requires investments in digital infrastructure and capacity-building initiatives in developing countries to promote inclusive participation in the global marketplace.

Digital trade has the potential to be a powerful force for economic and social progress. However, without adequate safeguards and inclusive policies, its benefits will remain unevenly distributed, and its risks to human rights will continue to grow.

Legal Framework for Ethical Trade

Ensuring that international trade aligns with human rights principles requires robust legal frameworks that establish clear standards and accountability mechanisms. Over the years, various international instruments, trade agreements, and institutional frameworks have been developed to address the intersection of trade and human rights. These frameworks aim to mitigate the risks posed by global commerce while promoting ethical practices and equitable benefits.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UNHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) provide fundamental principles for labour rights, dignity, and protections against exploitation. Complementing these instruments, the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights offer a roadmap for integrating human rights considerations into corporate and trade practices. Trade agreements, such as the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) and several European Union Pacts, have also begun incorporating enforceable human rights provisions to improve labour conditions and environmental standards. However, challenges such as weak enforcement mechanisms and inconsistent compliance persist, limiting their effectiveness.

Global and regional institutions, including the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and frameworks like the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), play a crucial role in shaping trade policies. These institutions have the potential to embed human rights principles in global trade. This section explores the key legitimate instruments, agreements, and institutional efforts that aim to bridge the gap between economic growth and human rights, highlighting both achievements and areas for improvement.

International Instruments

International instruments form the backbone of the legal frameworks that aim to align global trade with human rights. These instruments establish universally recognised principles and norms, providing a foundation for ethical practices in trade and commerce. Among the most significant are the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. Together, they offer a robust legal and ethical basis for ensuring that trade promotes, rather than undermines, fundamental human rights.

Adopted in (1948), the UDHR sets out fundamental rights and freedoms that are universally applicable, many of which are directly relevant to international trade. Article (23/1) of the UDHR, which states

“Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment”

As this sub-article affirms the right of everyone to work, to have an uninfluenced choice of employment, with conditions of work that are beneficial and just to the person, and that every person has the right to be protected from unemployment, which in hindsight, goes hand in hand with Article (3) of the UDHR, which states

“Everyone has the right to life, liberty, and security of person”

Furthermore, Article (23/2), states

“Everyone, without discrimination, has the right to equal pay for equal work”

This sub-article guarantees that everyone gets equal pay for work done in equal roles, highlighting the importance of fairness and equity in compensation, without any discrimination or bias.

These provisions underscore the critical need for trace policies that uphold labour rights, prevent exploitation, and promote fair working conditions across global supply chains. By embedding the principles of Article (23) into trade frameworks, governments and corporations can ensure that economic growth does not come at the expense of workers’ dignity and well-being.

Building on the principles of the UDHR, the ICCPR, a legally binding treaty adopted in (1966), establishes specific obligations for states to uphold civil and political rights. Article (8) of the ICCPR explicitly prohibits forced labour and slavery in all forms, while Article (17) protects the right to privacy, a critical issue in the context of digital trade. These protections emphasise the responsibility of trade agreements and policies to address issues such as forced labour in supply chains and data privacy in cross-border digital transactions. By providing enforceable legal commitments, the ICCPR moves beyond aspirational goals, making it a cornerstone for embedding human rights into international trade.

The UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, endorsed in (2011), provide a comprehensive framework for integrating human rights into corporate and trade practices. These principles outline three key pillars, which are the duty of states to protect human rights, the responsibility of businesses to respect those rights, and the need to provide effective remedies for victims of human rights violations. This framework encourages multinational corporations to adopt human rights due diligence in their global operations, helping to identify and mitigate risks such as labour exploitation and environmental harm. Furthermore, the Guiding Principles emphasise the role of accountability, ensuring that businesses align profit motives with ethical obligations.

Despite their potential, the implementation of these international instruments faces significant challenges. Many of them lack binding enforcement mechanisms, limiting their ability to hold states or corporations accountable. Inconsistent adoption of these instruments across countries further exacerbates these gaps, leaving certain populations vulnerable to exploitation. Moreover, businesses operating in jurisdictions with weak regulatory frameworks often prioritise profit over compliance with human rights standards, undermining the principles these instruments seek to uphold.

International instruments such as the UDHR, ICCPR, and the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights provide a critical foundation for embedding human rights into global trade. However, their effectiveness depends on robust enforcement mechanisms and the commitment of both states and corporations to uphold these principles. As global trade evolves, these instruments must be adapted and reinforced to address emerging challenges, ensuring that human rights remain central to economic development.

Trade Agreements with Human Rights Provisions

Trade agreements represent a unique intersection between economic governance and human rights protection, setting the rules for global commerce while offering a platform to embed social and ethical standards. Beyond addressing specific labour issues, these agreements serve as comprehensive frameworks that incorporate environmental, labour, and social justice clauses, demonstrating the potential to align trade with human rights principles.

The EU has been a pioneer in integrating human rights into its trade policies. Through sustainability and development chapters in its agreements, the EU mandates adherence to ILO conventions and environmental standards. For instance, the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement establishes binding commitments on labour and environmental protections, monitored by committees comprising state representatives and civil society organisations. This integrated approach not only promotes ethical practices but also creates accountability through regular reviews and public reporting mechanisms.

Regional frameworks like the (AfCFTA) also show promise in bridging trade and human rights. As it emphasises inclusive development and equitable participation, particularly for marginalised communities. While it primarily aims at economic integration, its charter underscores commitments to sustainable development and gender equality, paving the way for regional cooperation on human rights issues in trade.

However, these agreements often face challenges in enforcement. Unlike domestic laws, the mechanisms for monitoring compliance in trade agreements are frequently non-binding or rely on diplomatic resolutions, which lack the teeth to ensure accountability. Moreover, the voices of the most affected – workers, indigenous communities, and smallholder farms – are often excluded from the negotiation and implementation processes, limiting the practical impact of these agreements on their daily lives.

For trade agreements to serve as effective tools for human rights protection, they must evolve beyond symbolic commitments. Enforceable mechanisms, such as independent oversight bodies and penalties for non-compliance, are essential. Additionally, implanting participatory structures that allow civil society and vulnerable groups to influence trade policies can bridge the gap between high-level commitments and labouring class realities. By leveraging the expansive reach of trade agreements, the global community can create a framework where economic progress genuinely supports human dignity and justice.

Role of Global and Regional Institutions

Global and regional institutions play a pivotal role in shaping intersection of trade and human rights. By setting the rules for international commerce and fostering cooperation among nations, these institutions have the potential to embed human rights and principles into the global trade system, ensuring that economic progress aligns with ethical standards.

The WTO, as the primary body governing international trade, offers significant opportunities to integrate human rights into its framework. While traditionally focused on reducing trade barriers and promoting economic liberalisation, the WTO has faced growing calls to address labour rights, environmental concerns, and equitable development. Incorporating binding human rights provisions into WTO agreements, such as requirements for fair labour practices and sustainable resource management, could enhance accountability and ensure that global trade fosters social equity.

Regional frameworks also offer powerful platforms for aligning trade with human rights. For instance, the Mercosur Trade Bloc in South America has taken proactive steps to integrate social and labour rights into its trade policies. Through its Socio-Labour Declaration, Mercosur commits member States to uphold labour rights, promote social dialogue, and ensure decent work conditions. This declaration serves as a guideline for ethical trade practices across member States, reinforcing the potential of regional agreements to safeguard human rights in trade.

By leveraging the influence of global and regional institutions, the international community can create a trade environment that advances both economic and human rights objectives. Strengthening these institutions’ mandates to prioritise ethical trade practices is crucial for achieving this balance.

Recommendations for Ethical Global Trade

Ensuring that global trade upholds human rights principles requires a concentrated effort to address the systemic gaps and challenges in existing frameworks. While trade has the potential to drive economic growth and social programs, its benefits are often unevenly distributed, and its mechanisms can perpetuate exploitation and inequality. To create a more ethical global trade system, comprehensive reforms are needed at multiple levels, from reimagining trade agreements to cultivating corporate accountability and enhancing international cooperation.

This section outlines key recommendations for aligning global trade with human rights. First it emphasises the need to reform trade agreements by incorporating binding human rights clauses and strengthening enforcement mechanisms. Second, it highlights the importance of corporate responsibility and transparency, proposing mandatory due diligence and supply chain reporting for multinational corporations. Finally, it advocates for global collaboration, empowering international organisations, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and grassroots movements to monitor compliance and advocate for equitable trade practices. These recommendations aim to create a trade system where economic progress and human rights are mutually reinforcing, ensuring a fairer and more sustainable global economy.

Reforming Trade Agreements

Reforming trade agreements is a crucial step toward creating a global trade system that respects and promotes human rights. Existing agreements often lack enforceable provisions to protect workers, communities, and the environment, allowing economic interests to overshadow ethical considerations. To address these shortcomings, trade agreements must be reimagined to incorporate binding human rights clauses and strengthened enforcement mechanisms that ensure accountability.

Trade agreements should explicitly integrate human rights standards derived from international frameworks such as the UDHR, and the ILO conventions. These clauses should cover labour rights, environmental protections, and anti-discrimination measures, ensuring that all trade partners adhere to universally recognised principles. For example, agreements could mandate the prohibition of forced labour, the right to collective bargaining, and the implementation of gender equality measures. Binding these commitments legally would provide a robust foundation for ethical trade, preventing rights violations from being overlooked in favour of economic gain.

While many trade agreements include human rights provisions, their effectiveness is often undermined by weak enforcement. Strengthening monitoring mechanisms is essential to ensure compliance. Independent oversight bodies, comprising representatives from governments, civil society, and international organisations, should be established to evaluate adherence to human rights obligations. These bodies could conduct regular assessments, publish reports, and recommend corrective actions for violations. Additionally, introducing penalties for non-compliance, such as trade sanctions, or financial penalties, would incentivise adherence to ethical standards.

Case studies have shown that effective enforcement mechanisms can drive meaningful change. For example, trade agreements with dispute resolution systems, such as the EU’s sustainability chapters, have promoted dialogue and progress in areas like labour rights and environmental standards. However, these mechanisms must be made more accessible to workers and marginalised communities to ensure their voices heard.

Another critical element of reform is providing technical and financial support to developing nations to help them comply with human rights commitments in trade agreements. Many low-income countries face resource constraints and lack the institutional capacity to implement labour and environmental standards effectively. International cooperation and capacity-building initiatives, such as funding for labour inspections or training programs for workers, can bridge this gap, enabling all nations to participate in ethical trade.

By entrenching enforceable human rights clauses, strengthening monitoring systems, and supporting developing nations, trade agreements can evolve into tools for social equity and sustainable development. Reforming these agreements is not just a moral imperative but a practical necessity to ensure that global trade aligns with the principles of fairness and justice.

Corporate responsibility and Transparency

Multinational corporations play a central role in global trade, often controlling vast supply chains that span multiple countries and industries. While their operations contribute significantly to economic growth, they also have the potential to perpetuate labour exploitation, environmental degradation, and other human rights violations. To address these issues, strengthening corporate responsibility and promoting transparency across supply chains is essential. This can be achieved through mandatory human rights due diligence and robust reporting requirements.

Governments and international bodies should require multinational corporations to conduct human rights due diligence as part of their standard operations. This involves identifying, preventing, and mitigating the adverse human rights impacts of their activities and supply chains. Binding laws, such as France’s Duty of Vigilance Law, provide a framework for holding corporations accountable. Under this law, companies must develop and implement vigilance plans to address risks related to human rights, health, safety, and environmental standards. Expanding similar legislative initiatives globally would compel corporations to integrate human rights considerations into their decision-making processes.

Due diligence obligations should extend to their entire supply chain, ensuring that corporations are held accountable for violations at all levels, including subcontractors and suppliers in low-income countries. This approach not only protects vulnerable workers and communities but also enhances corporate accountability by implanting ethical practices into business operations.

On the same note, transparency is a critical element of corporate responsibility, allowing stakeholders to assess whether businesses are adhering to human rights and environmental standards. Governments should mandate comprehensive reporting on supply chain practices, requiring companies to disclose information about working conditions, sourcing policies, and environmental impacts. This reporting should be standardised and made publicly accessible to enable consumers, investors, and civil society organisations to make informed decisions and hold corporations accountable.

A leading example of this approach is the UK’s Modern Slavery Act, which requires businesses to publish annual statements detailing the steps they have taken to address forced labour and human trafficking in their supply chains. While this legislation represents progress, it could be strengthened by imposing penalties for non-compliance and expanding its scope to include broader human rights concerns.

Transparency also empowers consumers and civil society organisations to advocate for ethical trade and practices. Armed with accurate information, consumers can make more informed purchasing decisions, favouring brand that prioritise human rights and sustainability. Similarly, NGOs and advocacy groups can use transparency reports to pressure corporations into adopting higher ethical standards.

By mandating human rights due diligence and promoting supply chain transparency, governments and international organisations can ensure that multinational corporations operate in a manner that respects human dignity and promotes social equity. These measures are essential for creating a global trade system that aligns with ethical principles and fosters long-term sustainability.

Global Collaboration and Advocacy

Achieving ethical global trade requires robust collaboration between governments, international organisations, NGOs, and grassroots movements. While policy reforms and corporate accountability are vital, the role of advocacy and collective action cannot be overlooked in ensuring that human rights are prioritised in trade practices.

International organisations such as the United Nations and the ILO play a crucial role in setting standards and monitoring compliance with human rights obligations. Strengthening their capacity to oversee trade practices and address violations are essential. NGOs also act as watchdogs, exposing abuses and advocating for reforms. For instance, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have been instrumental in highlighting forced labour and environmental harm in global supply chain, influencing policy changes and consumer behaviour.

Grassroots movements provide a voice for those most affected by trade practices, including workers, indigenous communities, and small-scale farmers. Supporting these groups through funding, training, and platforms for advocacy ensures their concerns are heard in trade negotiations. Campaigns such as the “Clean Clothes Campaign” have successfully raised awareness about labour exploitation, pushing for better conditions in garment supply chains.

Global trade is inherently interconnected, requiring coordinated efforts among nations. Initiatives such as multilateral agreements to combat forced labour or deforestation can create unified standards and prevent exploitation. Collaborative approaches ensure that ethical trade becomes a shared responsibility, transcending borders.

By empowering organisations, amplifying grassroots voices, and fostering collaboration, global trade can evolve into a system that genuinely upholds human rights and promotes equitable development.

Conclusion

International trade has the potential to be a powerful force for good, driving economic growth, reducing poverty, and fostering global connections. Yet, it also presents significant human rights challenges, from labour exploitation and environmental degradation to inequities in access to essential goods and digital inclusion. This dual impact highlights the urgent need for a global trade system that not only pursues economic opportunities but also safeguards human dignity and equity.

Aligning trade practices with human rights principles is not merely an ethical obligation; it is a practical necessity for achieving sustainable development. Binding human rights clauses in trade agreements, corporate accountability through due diligence and transparency, and global collaboration among governments, NGOs, and middle-class movements are crucial steps towards this goal. These measures ensure that the benefits of trade extend to all, particularly the most vulnerable, while mitigating the harms that unchecked economic activity can impose.

The responsibility for ethical trade lies with all stakeholders; policymakers must design and enforce comprehensive regulations, corporations must prioritise human rights in their operations, and civil society must continue to advocate for equitable practices. Together, these efforts can create a marketplace that respects and uplifts humanity, rather than exploiting it.

A truly sustainable global trade system is one where profits and principles coexist, encouraging a future where economic progress uplifts communities, protects the environment, and ensures justice for all. By prioritising ethical standards, the international community can transform trade into a catalyst for human dignity and shared prosperity.

By Adv. Zaid Edaili 

إنهاء عقد العمل غير محدد المدة بموجب إشعار

إنهاء عقد العمل غير محدد المدة بموجب إشعار

بالرجوع إلى القواعد العامة في نظرية العقود نجد أنه من حيث الأصل أن تقوم العقود على مبدأ الرضائية، والتي هي الشرط الأساسي لصحة عقد العمل، والتي تختل باختلالها قانونية العقد وصحته، حيث أن عقد العمل هو، وبحكم ماهيته، من العقود الزمنية التي لا يُتصور فيها أن تبرم على سبيل التأبيد والأبدية، وذلك نتيجةً لتطور مفهوم عقد العمل في المجتمعات، وإعمالاً لذلك نجد أن الأحكام الناظمة لعقد العمل وباعتباره عقداً رضائياً حددت الطرق التي ينتهي بها عقد العمل، حيث ينتهي عقد العمل إما بانتهاء مدته إذا كان محدد المدة، وبإرادة طرفيه أو بإرادة أحدهما المنفردة إذا كان عقد عمل غير محدد المدة، وهذا ما أكدت ونصت عليه المادة (23) من قانون العمل.

وقد صدر قرار عن محكمة التمييز الأردنية الموقرة بهيئتها العامة رقم (3034/2019) بتاريخ 12/3/2020 والذي ناقش الإشعار المنصوص عليه في نص المادة (23) من قانون العمل الأردني وتعديلاته لسنة 1996 من منظورٍ آخر جديد، حيث يمثل هذا القرار خروجاً عن النهج المعتاد والمتواتر الذي سارت عليه الاجتهادات والممارسات القضائية سابقاً حول تكييف الإشعار، وأثره على إنهاء عقد العمل غير محدد المدة، وما يرتبه من أثرٍ على حقوق العامل وصاحب العمل، الأمر الذي يستوجب معه البحث في المنظور الجديد الذي تبناه هذا القرار، مع بعض الإيضاحات حول القرارات اللاحقة التي اتبعت هذا المبدأ وأخذت به.

حيث أخذت اجتهادات محكمة التمييز بشكل متواتر في الغالبية العظمى من أحكامها معياراً محدداً لتقرير الفصل التعسفي من عدمه في إنهاء عقود العمل غير محددة المدة، وانصب هذا المعيار على أن كل إنهاء يقوم به صاحب العمل للعقد يكون تعسفياً إذا تم بدون إشعار ولم ينطبق على العامل أي من الحالات المنصوص عليها في المادة (28) من قانون العمل، وذلك بالنسبة لعقد العمل غير محدد المدة، [1] ويستنتج من ذلك أن محكمة التمييز في اجتهاداتها قد اعتبرت من حيث الأصل أنه، وفي حال تم الإنهاء بدون إشعار وبدون أن تتوافر إحدى الحالات المنصوص عليها في المادة (28) من قانون العمل، يعتبر إنهاء عقد العمل غير محدد المدة من طرف صاحب العمل فصلاً تعسفياً، إلا في الحالات التي أوردها المشرع في المادة (28) من ذات القانون، وبالرجوع إلى القواعد العامة في الإثبات فمن حيث الأصل أن يقع عبئ الإثبات على من يدعيه، فبالتالي يفترض أن يقع عبئ إثبات الفصل التعسفي على العامل، إلا أن اجتهادات محكمة التمييز الأردنية، وفي هذا الشأن، قد نقلت عبئ الإثبات على صاحب العمل، وجعلت إثبات مشروعية إنهاء عقد العمل من مسؤولية صاحب العمل[2]، إلا أنه، وباستقراء قرار محكمة التمييز بصفتها الحقوقية رقم (3034/2019) الصادر بتاريخ (12/3/2020) مدار هذه المطالعة، نجد أنه سلك مسلكاً آخر واتبع نهجاً مختلفاً عما كان مستقراً عليه فيما يتعلق بإنهاء عقد العمل غير محدد المدة بالإشعار، فقد أعاد هذا القرار النظر في معيار الفصل التعسفي آخذاً بعين الاعتبار مبدأ الرضائية في العقود ومبدأ حسن النية بين المتعاقدين، مستنداً كذلك إلى البحث في ماهية عقد العمل من حيث طبيعته وخصائصه، ومسترشداً بالقواعد العامة لعقد العمل ونظرية العقود الواردة في القانون المدني، وخلُصَ القرارُ في متنه ونتيجته إلى أنه لا يتصور أن يكون انعقاد العقد أبدياً وأنه من باب أولى أن يتم تطبيق مبدأ عدم أبدية الالتزام المنصوص عليه في المادتين (807) من القانون المدني والمادة (23) من قانون العمل[3]، هذا من جهة، ومن جهة أخرى، فقد أشار القرار إلى جزئية مهمة، وهي ماهية الإشعار والغرض منه، موضحاً أن الإشعار ما هو إلا حق متبادل منحه القانون للعامل وصاحب العمل بإنهاء عقد العمل غير محدد المدة دون تعويض بشرط أن يخطر كل طرف الآخر، وأن العلة والحكمة من الإشعار تكمن في أن المشرع أراد أن يتفادى أبدية العلاقة العمالية كما هدف إلى تفادي عنصر المفاجأة بالنسبة لكلا طرفي عقد العمل، مؤكداً على أن قيام صاحب العمل بإشعار العامل قبل مدة محددة من إنهاء عقد العمل غير محدد المدة ما هو إلا ممارسة لحق أجازه القانون، وأن نص المادة (23) من قانون العمل قد أجازت إنهاء عقد العمل غير محدد المدة بالإشعار دون أن تتطرق لا من قريب ولا من بعيد إلى شرط التعليل والتسبيب، وجعل من الإشعار هو القيد الوحيد على إنهاء عقد العمل غير محدد المدة، ترسيخاً وإعلاءً لمبدأ رضائية عقد العمل، وتحقيقاً لمبدأ حسن النية بين المتعاقدين.

لاقى نهج هذا القرار استحساناً لدى الغالبية، حيث أنه وكما تمت الإشارة إليه، فبالرجوع إلى القواعد العامة في نظرية العقود فإن الأصل أن تقوم العقود على الرضائية والإرادة الحرة غير المكرهة، والتي منها عقد العمل الذي بحكم ماهيته وطبيعته لا يجوز أن يبرم على سبيل التأبيد، فعقد العمل هو من العقود المسماة التي منحها المشرع إسماً ونظم لها أحكاماً، كغيره من العقود، وحدد له خصائصاً أبرزها أنه من العقود الرضائية والملزمة للجانبين، ومن عقود المدة التي يعتبر عنصر الزمن فيها عنصراً جوهرياً، وعليه فإن اعتبار إنهاء عقد العمل غير محدد المدة بالإشعار فصلاً تعسفياً لكونه غير مسبب وغير معلل وغير مبرر ما هو إلا إخلالاً بخصائص عقد العمل وإخلالاً بمبادئ الرضائية وعدم أبدية العقود، خاصةً وأن نص المادة (23) من قانون العمل جاءت مطلقة دون اشتراط أو تقييد والمطلق يجري على إطلاقه، وأما بالنسبة للحالات الواردة في نص المادة (28) من ذات القانون ما هي إلا استثناءً عن الأصل حيث أجازت لصاحب العمل أن يقوم بفصل العامل دون إشعار إذا انطبقت عليه إحدى الحالات الواردة ضمن هذه المادة، وما يستنتج من ذلك أن الأصل هو أن يتم إنهاء عقد العمل غير محدد المدة بالإشعار فقط، إلا في حالات محددة على سبيل الحصر أجازت فصل العامل دون إشعار كما هي واردة في المادة (28)، ولا يوجد ما يستدعي أن يُفهم أو يُفسر في نصوص المواد (23) و(28) من قانون العمل أنه لغايات اعتبار إنهاء عقد العمل غير محدد المدة مشروعاً أن تتحقق إحدى الحالات المنصوص عليها في المادة (28) والإشعار مجتمعَين، خاصة وأن الحالات الواردة في هذه المادة قد لا تكون كافية وشاملة، وبالنتيجة فإنه يفترض أن ينتهي عقد العمل غير محدد المدة إما بالإرادة المنفردة لكلا الطرفين وهي الإشعار مع استحقاق العامل بدلات عن شهر الإشعار، وإما وفقاً للحالات الواردة في المادة (28)، وأما الفصل التعسفي فيفترض أن لا يتجاوز نطاق البحث في مدى تحققه إلا من خلال عنصرين وهما:

  1. هل تم إشعار العامل قبل فصله من العمل وإنهاء خدماته؟
  2. هل تم صرف بدل شهر الإشعار للعامل؟

ففي حال تحقق الشرطين مجتمعين فلا مدار للبحث في وجود الفصل التعسفي من عدمه، وأما في حال اختلال أحدهما فعندها يكون الفصل التعسفي قد وقع على العامل، ويستحق معه الحصول على بدل الفصل التعسفي وبدل شهر الإشعار.

وبالنتيجة، فإنه يكفي لاعتبار إنهاء عقد العمل غير محدد المدة من قبل صاحب العمل انهاءً مشروعاً بمجرد أن يتم إشعار العامل بذلك وأن يصرف له بدل الإشعار، ولا يشترط لأن يكون الإنهاء مشروعاً تحقق إحدى الحالات المنصوص عليها في المادة (28) و/أو أن يكون الإنهاء مسبباً أو معللاً.

وعليه، ووفقاً لأحكام المادة (23) من قانون العمل فإذا رغب أحد الطرفين في إنهاء عقد العمل غير محدد المدة فيترتب عليه إشعار الطرف الآخر خطياً برغبته في إنهاء العقد قبل شهر واحد على الأقل ولا يجوز سحب الإشعار إلا بموافقة الطرفين، ويبقى عقد العمل ساري المفعول طوال مدة الإشعار وتعتبر مدة الإشعار من مدة الخدمة .

حيث يتضح من ذلك أن عنصر الزمن هو من العناصر الجوهرية ولا يُتصور أن يكون انعقاد العقد أبدياً أو مؤبداً وقد طبق المشرع عدم أبدية الالتزام في المادتين (807) مدني و (23) من قانون العمل، فأعطى طرفي العقد العامل ورب العمل حق إنهاء العقد دون تعويض بشرط أن يخطر كل طرف الطرف الآخر إذ أنه من المقرر في نطاق عقود الزمن أن يعطى لكل من المتعاقدين حق إنهاء العقد بالإرادة المنفردة فيحق للعامل عدم تأبيد وأبدية عقد العمل حتى لا تصبح علاقة العمل نوع من الاسترقاق للعامل كما يحق لصاحب العمل الحفاظ على مصالحة الاقتصادية وتنظيم مؤسسته بالطريقة التي يراها، ومن ثم يجوز لكل من طرفي العقد إنهاء العقد بشروط معينة وواجبة حكماً على عاتق كل طرف من العامل وصاحب العمل، وهي الإشعار قبل إنهاء العقد بشهر وأن العلة والحكمة من الإشعار تكمن في أن المشرع أراد أن يتفادى أبدية العلاقة العمالية كما هدف المشرع من الإخطار تفادي عنصر المفاجأة بالنسبة للعامل وصاحب العمل كذلك ويترتب على الإشعار أو الإخطار انقضاء عقد العمل بانتهاء مدته ( مدة الإشعار)، وحيث إن صاحب العمل قد أخطر وأشعر العامل (المدعي) قبل إنهاء العقد بشهر فإن صاحب العمل قد مارس حقاً أجازه القانون له بإنهاء عقد العمل غير محدد المدة وإن إنهاءه بهذا الشكل ليس فيه تعسف وذلك وفقاً لأحكام المادة (23) من قانون العمل.

 

رُلى فراس الزيادين

[1] تمييز حقوق، 20799/2011، تاريخ 17/8/2011

[2]تمييز حقوق، 1227/2013، تاريخ 29/5/2013

[3] تمييز حقوق 3034/2019، تاريخ 12/3/2020.

شطب الشركات الموقوفة

شطب الشركات الموقوفة

على ضوء التعديلات الأخيرة التي طرأت على قانون الشركات الأردني والتي دخلت حيز النفاذ بتاريخ 11/11/2023، والتي بموجبها تم التعديل على العديد من نصوص مواد هذا القانون، وكان أبرزها التعديل الذي طرأ على نص المادة (285/أ/ج)، فيما يتعلق بالشركات الموقوفة، مما استوجب معه البحث في هذا التعديل من حيث مدى وضوحه، وأثره على الشركات والشركاء و/أو المساهمين فيها، وخاصة أثره على الشركات محدودة المسؤولية من حيث ماهيتها ومسؤولية الشركاء فيها.

على خلاف النص السابق من المادة (285/أ/ج)، والذي كان يجيز للمراقب وفي حال تخلف الشركة عن توفيق وتصويب أوضاعها وفقاً لأحكام القانون، أن يباشر باتخاذ الإجراءات اللازمة لتصفية تلك الشركة تصفية إجبارية، إلا أنه وفقاً للتعديل الأخير الذي طرأ على هذا النص فإنه إذا استمر قيد الشركة في سجل الشركات الموقوفة لمدة تزيد عن سنة دون أن تقوم هذه الشركة بتصويب أوضاعها وفقاً لأحكام القانون، فعلى المراقب شطب تسجيلها على أن تبقى مسؤولية الشركة والشركاء والمساهمين وأعضاء هيئة المديرين ومجالس الإدارة قائمة ولا يمس هذا الإجراء صلاحية المحكمة في تصفية الشركة التي تم شطب تسجيلها من السجل.

ونستخلص من ذلك عدة نتائج أبرزها:

  1. أن المشرع بموجب هذا التعديل، قد أوجب على المراقب وبانقضاء مدة السنة دون قيام الشركة بتصويب أوضاعها أن يقوم بشطب تسجيل الشركة من السجل، وذلك على خلاف النص السابق الذي كان يعتبر هذا الإجراء صلاحية جوازيه للمراقب دون إلزام، وكان للشركاء أو مجالس الإدارة بموجب النص السابق وفي حال عدم رغبتهم بتوفيق أوضاع الشركة وتصويبها وفقاً لأحكام القانون أن يقوموا بتقديم طلب للمراقب لغايات تصفية الشركة تصفية اختيارية.
  2. إن خيار تصفية الشركة تصفية اختيارية لم يعد متاحاً أمام الشركات الموقوفة، وقد تم إحالة هذه الصلاحية وحصرها ضمن صلاحيات المحكمة المختصة فقط.
  3. إن التعديل الحالي قد أبقى مسؤولية الشركاء والمساهمين وأعضاء هيئة المديرين قائمة على الرغم من شطب تسجيل الشركة.

على الرغم مما ورد أعلاه، إلا أن أبرز ما يستوجب بحثه بخصوص هذا التعديل هو الجزئية المتعلقة بالمسؤولية التي أشار إليها المشرع في هذه المادة، فقد أبقى المشرع على مسؤولية الشركاء والمساهمين وأعضاء هيئة المديرين ومجالس الإدارة دون بيان أطر هذه المسؤولية وحدودها وطبيعتها، ودون بيان فيما إذا كانت هذه المسؤولية تمتد إلى الشركاء بصفتهم الشخصية أم تبقى في حدود مساهمتهم في رأس المال؟ كما أن النص المشار إليه أعلاه لم يميز بين مسؤولية الشركاء المسددين لكامل مساهمتهم في رأس مال الشركة وبين الشركاء غير المسددين لكامل مساهمتهم في رأس مال الشركة، ومن جانب آخر فإن المشرع لم يبين ما هي طبيعة وحدود مسؤولية أعضاء هيئة المديرين ومجالس الإدارة، فهل هذه المسؤولية محصورة في الأعمال التي يمارسها أعضاء الإدارة خلال فترة ولايتهم؟ أم تمتد إلى ما أبعد من ذلك؟

قد لا يشكل هذا التعديل بما فيه من لُبس – في هذه الجزئية- عقبة أمام بعض الشركات مثل شركات التضامن أو شركات التوصية البسيطة نظراً لطبيعتها التي تتوافق وهذه الجزئية من التعديل والمسؤولية التضامنية للشركاء فيها، أما فيما يتعلق بالشركات الأخرى التي تبرز أهميتها في كون أن الشريك فيها لا يسأل عن التزامات الشركة إلا بمقدار حصته في رأس المال دون أمواله الخاصة وهو ما يميزها عن غيرها من الشركات، كالشركات ذات المسؤولية المحدودة،  فمما لا شك فيه أن هذا التعديل بصورته الحالية يعتبر إخلالاً بماهية وهيكلة هذا النوع من الشركات، خاصةً وأن الحالات التي يكون فيها الشريك في الشركة ذات المسؤولية المحدودة مسؤولاً بصفته الشخصية هي نادرة ويمكن حصرها بتلك التي يكون فيها الشريك غير مسدد لكامل حصته في رأس المال حيث تكون مسؤولية الشريك في هذه الحالة بحدود حصته غير المسددة من رأسمال الشركة، وفي حال تسديدها فإنه لا يعتبر مسؤولاً عن ديونها والتزاماتها، هذا بالنسبة للشريك، أما بالنسبة للصفة التمثيلية للأشخاص عن الشركة محدودة المسؤولية كالمدير أو هيئة المديرين فالأصل عدم مسؤوليتهم عن الاعمال والتصرفات التي تعقد بواسطتهم لاستقلال شخصيتهم وذمتهم المالية عن شخصية الشركة الاعتبارية وذمتها المالية المستقلة مع مراعاة الحالات الخاصة التي تنشأ عن أخطائهم ومسؤوليتهم القانونية كتلك الواردة في المادة (61) من قانون الشركات و المادة (421/7) من قانون العقوبات، فهل يشكل هذا التعديل استثناءً جديداً على مسؤولية الشركاء في الشركة ذات المسؤولية المحدودة؟

ولعل الحالة المفترضة أعلاه تجعل من هذا النص محدود الفائدة، ويشكل ثغرة من شأنها أن تزعزع المراكز القانونية في الشركات التي تستقل في شخصيتها وذمتها المالية عن الشركاء و/أو المساهمين فيها، ولا شك أن التطبيق العملي لهذا النص، وعلى المدى القريب، سيُظهر الحاجة إلى إعادة النظر فيه.

ولكل ما تقدم، وعلى الرغم من أن التعديل المشار إليه له إيجابيات عديدة مثل إلزام الشركات بالامتثال لأحكام قانون الشركات بشكل أكثر صرامة، إلا أننا نرى أن يتم إعادة النظر في نص المادة (285/أ/ج) وتعديلاته، من قانون الشركات، في هذه الجزئية، بحيث تحقق الغاية المرجوة منها وتعزز الدور الرقابي لمراقب الشركات في حماية حقوق الغير والمتعاملين مع الشركات، ولكن دون الإخلال بالمراكز القانونية للشركات والشركاء فيها وأعضاء إدارتها، والسعي نحو تحديد نطاق هذه المسؤولية بما يحقق الحماية المرجوة ويحافظ على استقرار المراكز القانونية.

 

رلى زيادين

 

 

Data Privacy at a Crossroads

By Adv. Zaid Edaili

Data Privacy at a Crossroads: Evaluating Zuboff’s Surveillance Capitalism in Light of GDPR’s Consent and Legitimate Interest Debate

Introduction
Privacy is a fundamentally important subject, particularly in our current era where technology permeates our lives and information about individuals can spread rapidly via the internet. Privacy is a multi-faceted term that can be viewed differently depending on the ideology being followed. Generally, it can be defined as “the right of a person to make their own decisions regarding private or personal matters,” “the right to be free from interference and intrusion,” or “the right to be let alone.” Thus, in broad terms, privacy essentially denotes an individual’s right to lead a concealed life away from others and maintain a personal space where they feel safe.
In the context of our modern world, the ability to access and transfer information, regardless of location, has become crucial for social and economic development as well as technological progress. However, there is a growing concern that the global transfer and processing of personal data could adversely impact individuals’ privacy rights. Consequently, it became necessary to establish a regulatory framework to protect data transfer and privacy on an international scale, particularly in Europe. This need gave rise to the ‘European Union Data Protection Directive 95/46’, which was later replaced by the ‘European Union General Data Protection Regulation’ (GDPR) on 25th May 2018.
Shoshana Zuboff, in her book ‘The Age of Surveillance Capitalism,’ discusses how the new era of technology is gradually taking over the world, ushering in the age of techno-capitalism. This essay will examine this concept from a legal perspective, focusing on the GDPR in relation to consent and legitimate interest in the sharing of health data obtained from Fitbit by Meta. Additionally, we will analyze health data platforms, leading to a discussion on Fitbit and the sharing of health records through the device.

The Era of Change: The EU Data Protection Directive ‘the Directive’ and the EU General Data Protection Regulation ‘the GDPR’

Before 2018, prior to the advent of the GDPR, the EU and the UK operated under the EU Data Protection Directive, which was established in 1995 to address data privacy and security issues. The Directive also limited the international transfer of private data outside the EU. While the Directive was effective during its time, it eventually became outdated. Consequently, the EU initiated the implementation of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) to provide a more current and comprehensive legal framework.
On 6th October 2015, in the landmark case of ‘Schrems v. Data Protection Commissioner’, the Court of Justice of the European Union overturned the High Court of Ireland’s decision, which had upheld the agreement between the USA and the EU as providing sufficient protection for data transferred from Europe to the US. The facts of the case revealed that Maximilian Schrems, a Facebook user since 2008, was concerned that US laws did not offer adequate protection for data transferred from Facebook’s European subsidiary in Ireland to its servers in the United States. These concerns led Mr Schrems to file a complaint with the Irish Data Protection Commissioner stating that,
“In light of the revelations made in 2013 by Edward Snowden concerning the activities of the United States intelligence services such as the National Security Agency (‘NSA’), the law and practice of the United States did not offer adequate protection against surveillance by public authorities of the data transferred to that country.”
The ruling in this case was pivotal, leading to significant changes and the establishment of the GDPR. This shift was necessary because the Directive was insufficient to protect international data transfers outside the EU, as evidenced by the loophole identified in the Schrems case. The GDPR was introduced to address this inadequacy and ensure stronger data protection measures.
The Directive contained ‘bugs’ that required fixing, and rather than amending it again, a new regulation was proposed. One of these issues was in Article 25(1), which stated:
“The Member States shall provide that the transfer to a third country of personal data which are undergoing processing or are intended for processing after transfer may take place only if, without prejudice to compliance with the national provisions adopted pursuant to the other provisions of this Directive, the third country in question ensures an adequate level of protection”
This subsection needed revision because any national law adopted after the EU Directive should comply with its provisions. However, this meant that sufficient protection was not guaranteed by international entities or third-party countries. As a result, this article became ineffective due to its flawed wording.
Furthermore, subsection (2) of the same article stated:
“The adequacy of the level of protection afforded by a third country shall be assessed in the light of all the circumstances surrounding a data transfer operation or set of data transfer operations; particular consideration shall be given to the nature of the data, the purpose and duration of the proposed processing operation or operations, the country of origin and country of final destination, the rules of law, both general and sectoral, in force in the third country in question and the professional rules and security measures which are complied with in that country”
This created problems with the concept of ‘adequacy,’ as this definition effectively meant that not all data was protected in all situations. This inconsistency could lead to chaos in data transfer, as the EU Directive would determine the importance of personal data transfers based on third-party laws. This led to widespread concern within the EU, exemplified by the Schrems v. Data Protection Commissioner case, which became the cornerstone of the new era in data and privacy protection.
The GDPR addressed and resolved the ‘bugs’ identified in the Directive. Article 101 of the GDPR states that:
“However, when personal data are transferred from the Union to controllers, processors or other recipients in third countries or to international organizations, the level of protection of natural persons ensured in the Union by this Regulation should not be undermined, including in cases of onward transfers of personal data from the third country or international organization to controllers, processors in the same or another third country or an international organization”
While this part of the article starts vaguely, it generally defines the privacy and safety aspects of international data transfers, specifically to international organizations and third parties outside the European Union. Nevertheless, it has yet to determine the tools required for protecting individuals’ privacy. This is why the regulation further explains in the next part of the article that any data transferred to international organizations is strictly protected under the provisions of this regulation, provided that data transfers comply with the international organization’s processor, as stated:
“A transfer could take place only if, subject to the other provisions of this Regulation, the conditions laid down in the provisions of this Regulation relating to the transfer of personal data to third countries or international organizations are complied with by the controller or processor.”
Despite some criticisms, the GDPR’s influence on modern data protection and its alignment with the rapid evolution of technology cannot be denied. As outlined in its provisions, the GDPR effectively protects the privacy of individuals internationally. A key point in the regulation is that any international agreement between EU states and third countries must adhere to the regulation’s provisions. Any contradiction within such agreements would be overridden in favor of the GDPR, as stated in Article 102 of the regulation.
Additionally, Article 103 of the GDPR further details the appropriate tools for data protection, stating that the European Commission must always approve data transfers to third countries or international entities and has the ultimate authority to determine if the international entity in question provides sufficient protection for data transferred from the EU.
Moreover, in Schrems v. Data Protection Commissioner, the Court of Justice of the European Union, after considering all the evidence presented, concluded that decision 2000/520 was unenforceable. Due to this judgment, the EU Commission and the Court of Justice determined that the EU Data Protection Directive was inadequate for protecting international data transfers, leading to the development of the General Data Protection Regulation.

The Bystander of the Age of Surveillance Capitalism ‘Shoshana Zuboff’s Intake’
Shoshana Zuboff, in her book ‘The Age of Surveillance Capitalism,’ introduced the concept of the new era of data surveillance. This work provided a fresh perspective on the potential scope of surveillance in the modern age. Surveillance capitalism can be defined as the “monetization of data captured through monitoring people’s movements and behaviors online and in the physical world” This means that a surveillance capitalist company operates with the aim of eventually controlling individuals’ personal data, even in the most basic ways, such as Facebook does.
Zuboff’s idea of the beginning of surveillance capitalism is what she called ‘The Apple Hack,’ where she concluded that the emancipatory promise of “giving people social or political freedom and rights” began with Apple’s invention of the iPod. She argued that the birth of the iPod allowed people to explore their social capabilities as they pleased. In her view, this path taken by Apple would be the breakthrough for surveillance capitalism in the near future.
Furthermore, Zuboff believed that the emancipatory promise of the internet emerged from the same historical circumstances that propelled the iPod’s success, as she explains in the following chapters. Crucially, these identical circumstances provided the foundation for surveillance capitalism to establish and thrive. The success of surveillance capitalism and the Apple phenomenon can be attributed to the clash of two opposing historical forces.
However, it can also be argued that Zuboff might have been slightly off the mark. Although she began her book with one of the most successful technological stories known to man, she overlooked the fact that Apple was not founded on the principles of surveillance capitalism, as she suggested. Apple’s intentions were more ‘selfish,’ focusing on their own success rather than the broader good of society. They were not the benevolent forces that Zuboff portrayed them to be in this context.
On the same note, it might have been more appropriate for Zuboff to introduce the birth of surveillance capitalism with a closer examination of data transfer-centric corporations such as Facebook, rather than Apple. Although she did mention that Google and Facebook were also prime examples of surveillance capitalist corporations, focusing initially on these would have provided a more direct link to her thesis. With Facebook and Instagram being prominent examples of surveillance capitalist entities, and as the faces of the parent company Meta, concerns arose about the merger between Meta and Fitbit. This merger raised issues about the potential misuse of health data by Meta.
Although Meta’s actions are profit-driven, the high demand for Fitbit devices, driven by the “Quantified Self Movement,” makes this advantageous in marketing. With the merger, Meta now has access to personal health data of Fitbit users, which number approximately 28 million. During the initial negotiations between Google and Fitbit, a third company, Meta, was waiting to seize the opportunity, which ultimately led to Meta’s control over this vast amount of health data.
Surveillance capitalist corporations, in their pursuit of enhancing goods, services, and customer engagement, must go beyond merely gathering and analysing consumer data. This is where the concept of ‘behavioural surpluses’ come into play.
Thanks to Shoshana Zuboff and her book, this term has gained considerable attention from various media sources. A ‘new’ definitive term that marks a significant step forward in the technological advancement of economics is now widely recognized, thanks to Zuboff. For newcomers to the technological economy, behavioural surplus is defined as:
“Data that goes beyond online product and service use. It can include information related to a person’s location, age, profession, lifestyle, habits, and a range of personal and professional preferences”
Arguably, this so-called behavioural surplus is the turning point of surveillance capitalism, as observed by Zuboff. Facebook has been utilising this terminology and system for years. The primary purpose is to market advertisements tailored to the user’s interests while profiting from it. A significant concern is that Facebook, due to behavioural surplus, has been collecting users’ personal data for years and will continue to do so now that it has merged with Fitbit.
Furthermore, a similar situation is occurring with Apple. Users can view all their health and fitness information using Apple’s Health app. Various devices and software, such as a Nike FuelBand, a Withings blood pressure monitor, and an iHealth Wireless Smart Gluco-Monitoring System, can have their data compiled in the Apple Health app, which acts as a dashboard for health and fitness data. This system allows Apple to access users’ health data without facing consequences. However, Apple, being a surveillance capitalist corporation, has developed privacy settings for its health app that could be useful for users concerned about involuntary data transfers to unwanted entities.
Similarly, it cannot be said that Fitbit offers adequate protection for its users’ health data. On the other hand, under the GDPR, international data transfers can be legitimate and based on the user’s consent.

Consent and Legitimate Interest: A Legal Tension in the GDPR
Consent in the GDPR is first introduced at the beginning of Article 32, which states that:
“Consent should be given by a clear affirmative act establishing a freely given, specific, informed and unambiguous indication of the data subject’s agreement to the processing of personal data relating to him or her, such as by a written statement, including by electronic means, or an oral statement”
This article effectively asserts that consent can be given in various ways, including electronic means, such as the agreements to terms and conditions commonly used by social media platforms when a user first signs up. Furthermore, the article continues to state that hidden, pre-agreed boxes for electronic consent are invalid. These cannot be used as a means of consent by surveillance capitalist corporations because the user is unaware that they have consented to any data transfers while using the program.

The last part of Article (32) adds that:
“If the data subject’s consent is to be given following a request by electronic means, the request must be clear, concise, and not unnecessarily disruptive to the use of the service for which it is provided”
With this statement, the GDPR strictly dictates that for a user’s consent given through media platforms to be valid, the request for consent must be comprehensible and must not disrupt the user’s ability to use the services provided by the platform.
Validation of this point requires an understanding of what constitutes consent in public law, particularly in terms of its application in data protection. In public law, consent is the full agreement of a person to a service or request made by another, without duress and with full capacity to make the choice. In data protection, consent means that a person must be well informed about how their data will be shared or transferred and have complete freedom of choice. If a data platform urges a person to give consent and, if not given, denies them the use of the platform’s services, then the consent is invalid because it lacks the element of free choice.
Applying this to Zuboff’s analysis of surveillance capitalist corporations, such as Meta, which depend on data sharing and transfer, a person using Meta’s services should be well informed about their terms and services. The person should also have the freedom to agree or disagree with the terms of data sharing and still be able to use the services. This is especially relevant in the case of Fitbit, as health data is a sensitive topic, and users are highly conscious of privacy in this matter.
When Google sought to acquire and merge with Fitbit, there were significant concerns and opposition. The primary reason for this opposition was the fear that the health data acquired by Fitbit would fall into the hands of a surveillance capitalist company like Google, potentially leading to the unnecessary use of this data. Professor Chongwoo Choe expressed concerns on this matter, stating, “While Google says it would not use Fitbit data for advertising purposes, this doesn’t rule out Google’s use of this data in other markets, such as health care” This is not an unreasonable assessment, as Google acquiring Fitbit can reasonably be assumed to have led to expansion into the healthcare market, which would not be acceptable to a significant portion of the community. For example, people with sensitive health issues may have opposed Google transferring and sharing their health records under the guise of expanding its business. Similarly, if Meta does not find an appropriate way to obtain consumers’ consent regarding the use of their health data, they are not permitted to transfer or share this data according to the GDPR.

Article 44 of the GDPR states that:
“In order for processing to be lawful, personal data should be processed on the basis of the consent of the data subject concerned or some other legitimate basis, laid down by law, either in this Regulation or in other Union or Member State law as referred to in this Regulation, including the necessity for compliance with the legal obligation to which the controller is subject or the necessity for the performance of a contract to which the data subject is party or in order to take steps at the request of the data subject prior to entering into a contract”
The above article is crucial as it not only addresses the consent of the data subject but also outlines the conditions under which Meta can perform data transfers without the subject’s consent. If obtaining consent compromises Meta’s work and profitability, they can rely on the legitimate interest approach.
Legitimate interest, as defined in law, is:
“When you or a third-party have a genuine reason that makes processing the data necessary, and there are no other interests that outranks your business interest”
Legitimate interest serves as the foundation for data sharing when necessary. Under this principle, Meta is not required to obtain consumer consent, provided there is a reasonable belief that consumers are aware that the provider’s environment is based on data processing and transfers. However, Meta must still provide clear terms and services and list the entities to which data is being transferred. Consumers must agree to these terms, but their use of the service is not dependent on their consent to data sharing, as long as the ‘pre-agreed box’ is ticked. It is important to note that data collected on the basis of legitimate interest cannot later be used for consent-based marketing.
The introduction of Article 47 of the GDPR states that:
“The legitimate interests of a controller, including those of a controller to which the personal data may be disclosed, or of a third party, may provide a legal basis for processing, provided that the interests or the fundamental rights and freedoms of the data subject are not overriding, taking into consideration the reasonable expectations of data subjects based on their relationship with the controller…”
With this part of the Article, one can see that the GDPR also permits legitimate interest in data processing between consumers and providers, which provides further incentive for Meta to consider legitimate interest as its primary marketing strategy. However, this can vary depending on the type of data being processed and transferred; in this case, it involves health data, which is inherently sensitive.

In contrast, Article 69 of the aforementioned regulation states that:
“Where personal data might lawfully be processed because processing is necessary for the performance of a task carried out in the public interest or in the exercise of official authority vested in the controller, or on grounds of the legitimate interests of a controller or a third party, a data subject should, nevertheless, be entitled to object to the processing of any personal data relating to his or her particular situation”
According to this article, surveillance capitalist corporations have the right to process data in the name of legitimate interest. However, if the data processing overrides or distorts the consumer’s freedom, the controller has the right to determine whether the data processing is lawful, and the data subject has the right to object to the processing of their data.
Moreover, Chapter 2, Article 6, subsection (f) of the GDPR states that legitimate interest in data processing, provided it does not infringe on the freedom and rights of consumers, is a lawful means of processing data. Additionally, subsection (a) of the same article deems consent a lawful basis for data processing. I would argue that the mention of consent in this article was unnecessary, as it was already covered in Article 32. Subsection (f) of Article 6 in the general provisions inherently includes consent, since legitimate interest is not more significant than consent. Therefore, if legitimate interest is lawful, so is consent. The redundancy in the GDPR’s wording could have been avoided by the legislator.

Consent and Legitimate Interest in the Eyes of Zuboff on Surveillance Capitalist Corporations
Zuboff highlights the role of Facebook as a surveillance capitalist. She explains how terms of service are often misleading, as most people do not read them and simply agree to use the provider’s services. Additionally, she points out that surveillance capitalist companies typically make the terms of service and fine print excessively long, discouraging users from fully reading and understanding them, resulting in users consenting without truly ‘consenting’.
Within the fine print of the terms of service, there is usually a clause allowing the provider to change the terms at any time without the user’s legal consent or knowledge. This brings us to the main concern with Meta’s acquisition of Fitbit: if Facebook publicly shares and transfers data, there is no guarantee that Fitbit will not do the same, considering both companies are under Meta’s umbrella.
Margaret Radin, in her book ‘Boilerplate: The Fine Print, Vanishing Rights, and the Rule of Law,’ addresses how the terms of service in surveillance capitalist corporations are degrading contracts that do not genuinely seek the user’s full consent. Radin views such contract terms as a moral and democratic degradation of the rule of law and the institution of contracts. She argues that these terms pervert the system to favour the firm’s interests, forcing recipients into a legal framework conceptualised by the firm in order to participate in transactions with it.
It can be argued that legitimate interest can be devised and used by corporations such as Meta, especially given their tendency to change terms of service without the user’s knowledge or consent. Zuboff also discusses how the GDPR addresses the issue of legitimate interest, as highlighted by the New York Times through the words of Data Protection Supervisor Giovanni Buttarelli. One example she cites is an international law firm’s paper stating that legitimate interest can be a lawful and profitable way of data processing, without the degrading aspects, and with full user consent. The law firm states:
“Legitimate interest may be the most accountable ground for processing in many contexts, as it requires an assessment and balancing of the risks and benefits of processing for organisations, individuals and society. The legitimate interests of the controller or a third party may also include other rights and freedoms. The balancing test will sometimes also include; freedom of expression, right to engage in economic activity, the right to ensure the protection of IP rights, etc. These rights must also be taken into account when balancing them against the individuals’ right to privacy”
Essentially, Zuboff expresses strong opposition to the existence of surveillance capitalist companies. She advocates for these companies to be supervised by larger organizations, such as the EU Data Protection Commission, and through international agreements aimed at restricting the operations of surveillance capitalist entities.

Conclusion
Given the widespread adoption of technology for all aspects of our lives, from business to entertainment to consumerism, surveillance capitalism is an issue of increasing prominence. This essay has shown that the issue of privacy invasion is a matter of perspective. However, the GDPR clearly emphasizes the importance of consent for the transfer and processing of data, as well as a legitimate interest. For Meta to successfully integrate Fitbit without encountering privacy invasion issues, they must ensure that Fitbit’s terms of service differ from those of Instagram or any other Meta subsidiary.
Despite the initial critique of Zuboff’s book, her insights on surveillance capitalism and its future implications highlight the crucial role of data processing in our daily lives. There are strong arguments to suggest that surveillance capitalist companies should self-regulate; otherwise, laws and regulations such as the GDPR will inevitably intervene.
Finally, although consent is more lawful than legitimate interest, it would be challenging, if not impossible, for surveillance capitalist companies to operate solely on consent. For a company like Meta, which is deeply embedded in social media and data sharing, their terms of service must be agreed upon for users to access their services. In the case of Fitbit, adopting a consent-based approach would not ensure informed consent, as users are unlikely to read the terms of service and fine print, potentially leading to privacy invasion by Meta.

 

References:

1- ‘What Is Privacy?’ (OAIC) <https://www.oaic.gov.au/privacy/your-privacy-rights/what-is-privacy>.
2- ibid.
3- ‘The Main Differences between the DPD and the GDPR and How to Address Those Moving Forward’ <https://britishlegalitforum.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/GDPR-Whitepaper-British-Legal-Technology-Forum-2017-Sponsor.pdf>.
4- Shoshana Zuboff, The Age of Surveillance Capitalism: The Fight for the Future at the New Frontier of Power (Profile Books 2019).
5- SeeUnity (n 3).
6- Global Freedom of Expression/University of Columbia, ‘Reviewing Schrems v. Data Protection Commissioner’ (2016) <https://globalfreedomofexpression.columbia.edu/cases/schrems-v-data-protection-commissioner/>.
7- Global Freedom of Expression/University of Columbia (n 6).
8- Schrems v Data Protection Commissioner [2015] Court of Justice of the European Union C 362/14.
9- Schrems v Data Protection Commissioner (High Court of Ireland) [2014] High court of Ireland C 362/14.
10- European Union Data Protection Directive 1995.
11- DPD (n 10).
12- The General Data Protection Regulation 2016.
13- GDPR (n 12).
14- SeeUnity (n 3).
15- GDPR (n 12).
16- GDPR (n 12).
17- Nick Barney, ‘Surveillance Capitalism’ (December 2022) <https://www.techtarget.com/whatis/definition/surveillance-capitalism>.
18- Zuboff (n 4).
19- Zuboff (n 4).
20- Ella Hafermalz, ‘Book Review – The Age of Surveillance Capitalism: The Fight for a Human Future at the New Frontier of Power’ (2021) <https://www.cairn.info/revue-management-2021-4-page-70.htm>.
21- Zuboff (n 4).
22- Victor R. Lee, ‘What’s Happening in the “Quantified Self” Movement?’ 1032-1038.
23- Chongwoo Choe and Zhijun Chen, ‘Google’s Merger with Fitbit Puts Our Health Data at Risk. It Should Be Opposed.’ [2020] Monash Business School/Economics.
24- Zuboff (n 4).
25- Hafermalz (n 20).
26- Mark Yates, ‘“Behavioral Surplus” Is Not Evil – It’s Essential to Customer Experience’ (20 May 2019) <https://blog-idceurope.com/behavioral-surplus-for-cx/>.
27- Hafermalz (n 20).
28- Choe and Chen (n 23).
29- GDPR (n 12).
30- GDPR (n 12).
31- ‘Rape and Sexual Offences – Chapter 6: Consent’ (21 May 2021) <https://www.cps.gov.uk/legal-guidance/rape-and-sexual-offences-chapter-6-consent>.
32- Zuboff (n 4).
33- Choe and Chen (n 23).
34- GDPR (n 12).
35- Sagacity, ‘Consent vs Legitimate Interest – What You Need to Know’ (sagacitysolutions) <https://www.sagacitysolutions.co.uk/about/news-and-blog/what-is-the-difference-between-legitimate-interest-and-consent/>.
36- Christopher Kuner, ‘Reality and Illusion in EU Data Transfer Regulation Post Schrems’ German law journal.
37- GDPR (n 12).
38- GDPR (n 12).
39- GDPR (n 12).
40- Zuboff (n 4).
41- Zuboff (n 4).
42- Margaret Jane Radin, Boilerplate: The Fineprint, Vanishing Rights, and The Rule of Law (Princeton University Press 2011).
43- Zuboff (n 4).
44- Zuboff (n 4).
45- Zuboff (n 4).
46- “Recommendations for Implementing Transparency, Consent and Legitimate Interest Under the GDPR,” Centre for Information Policy Leadership, Hunton and Williams LLP, GDPR Implementation Project, May 19, 2017.

 

Bibliography – Articles:
1. Andrew D. Murray, ‘Data Transfers between the EU and UK Post Brexit?’ Oxford University Press (2017).
2. Chongwoo Choe and Zhijun Chen, ‘Google’s Merger with Fitbit Puts Our Health ‎Data at Risk. It Should Be Opposed.’ [2020] Monash Business ‎School/Economics
3. Christopher Kuner, ‘Reality and Illusion in EU Data Transfer Regulation Post Schrems’ German law journal
4. Ella Hafermalz, ‘Book Review – The Age of Surveillance Capitalism: The Fight for a Human Future at the New Frontier of Power’ (2021) <https://www.cairn.info/revue-management-2021-4-page-70.htm>
5. Mark Yates, ‘“Behavioral Surplus” Is Not Evil – It’s Essential to Customer Experience’ (20 May 2019) <https://blog-idceurope.com/behavioral-surplus-for-cx/>
6. Margaret Jane Radin, Boilerplate: The Fineprint, Vanishing Rights, and The Rule of Law (Princeton University Press 2011)
7. Neil M. Richards and Daniel J. Solove, Privacy’s Other Path: Recovering the Law of Confidentiality
8. Nick Barney, ‘Surveillance Capitalism’ (December 2022) <https://www.techtarget.com/whatis/definition/surveillance-capitalism>
9. Shoshana Zuboff Z, The Age of Surveillance Capitalism: The Fight for the Future at the New Frontier of Power (Profile Books 2019)
10. Victor R. Lee, ‘What’s Happening in the “Quantified Self” Movement?’ 1032
11. ‘Rape and Sexual Offences – Chapter 6: Consent’ (21 May 2021) <https://www.cps.gov.uk/legal-guidance/rape-and-sexual-offences-chapter-6-consent>
12. ‘The Main Differences between the DPD and the GDPR and How to Address Those Moving Forward’ <https://britishlegalitforum.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/GDPR-Whitepaper-British-Legal-Technology-Forum-2017-Sponsor.pdf>
13. ‘What Is Privacy?’ (OAIC) <https://www.oaic.gov.au/privacy/your-privacy-rights/what-is-privacy>

Bibliography – Cases:
1. Court of Justice of the European Union, ‘JUDGMENT OF THE COURT (Grand Chamber) Schrems v Data Protection Commissioner’ <https://curia.europa.eu/juris/document/document.jsf;jsessionid=9ea7d2dc30dd5b610279af57461688cfc1d680446584.e34KaxiLc3qMb40Rch0SaxuRbN90?text=&docid=169195&pageIndex=0&doclang=EN&mode=req&dir=&occ=first&part=1&cid=356030>
2. Global Freedom of Expression/University of Columbia, ‘Reviewing Schrems v. Data Protection Commissioner’ (2016) <https://globalfreedomofexpression.columbia.edu/cases/schrems-v-data-protection-commissioner/>
3. Sagacity, ‘Consent vs Legitimate Interest – What You Need to Know’ (sagacity solutions) <https://www.sagacitysolutions.co.uk/about/news-and-blog/what-is-the-difference-between-legitimate-interest-and-consent/>
4. Schrems v Data Protection Commissioner (High Court of Ireland) [2014] High Court of Ireland C 362/14

Bibliography – Legislation:
1. European Union Data Protection Directive 1995
2. The General Data Protection Regulation 2016

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